Tribhuvan University Appointments Dominated by Political Quotas, Compromising Meritocracy

• The Vicious Cycle of Political Appointments

Looking back at the last three decades of Tribhuvan University's history, a bitter reality is consistently observed – appointments from Vice-Chancellor to peon have not been free from the shadow of political division.

In the appointment process, political proximity, party access, and factional power have consistently become decisive factors over merit, capability, and institutional needs. When university officials themselves are appointed based on political division, their primary responsibility naturally shifts towards the political power or party that appointed them, rather than the university. They become more accountable to the political leadership that placed them in power than to the institution they are supposed to serve, its faculty, staff, students, and the overall academic community.

Officials begin to consider it their duty to obey the orders of the appointing party, satisfy party leaders, secure the political basis of their appointment, and protect the interests of their close associates. The academic quality of the university, development of research, academic advancement of faculty, capacity building of staff, training, and institutional reforms are progressively pushed back in the priority list. The biggest problem of political appointment starts from here.

The political party that makes the appointment, places individuals in power, and can protect their position if necessary, continuously pressures officials to work for the party's interests. In such a situation, when a conflict arises between the interests of the university and the directives of the political leadership, officials feel mentally pressured to prioritize political directives over institutional interests.

This pressure does not only come from political leadership; professors, staff, and student representatives leading affiliated professional organizations of the concerned party also exert direct or indirect pressure. In some cases, their direct/indirect message is clear – 'We are the ones who brought you to this position, so you must do as we say. Otherwise, we will have to consider another option for your position.'

Such warnings compel officials to fulfill the expectations of the political group rather than making independent decisions in the interest of the institution. The compulsion to protect one's position becomes more powerful than institutional responsibility. Consequently, the directives of political organizations become stronger than institutional decisions in the university, and the university's autonomy gradually erodes. When the university's leadership depends on political protection, the university risks operating not as an institution, but as an extension of political influence.

This situation does not limit political appointments to just one appointment; it constructs an entire structure of political interference within the university.

• The Culture of Division

The culture of division institutionalizes the interference of political parties' professional organizations in appointments at various levels within Tribhuvan University. Continuous efforts are made to pressure officials, secure recommendations, and influence decisions to appoint individuals, groups, or relatives close to their party.

In some cases, financial transactions may also occur. To become a candidate for positions such as Director, Examination Controller, Joint Examination Controller, Dean, or Assistant Dean, it becomes necessary to 'please' representatives of various political groups and student organizations even before applying.

Some candidates are forced to seek support from leaders of political groups, organizations, or student leaders to secure recommendations in their favor. The competition for appointment does not happen based on academic, scholarly, or administrative qualifications. It transforms into a competition of political access and factional power. Even within the same political umbrella, different factions support different candidates. Ultimately, the question is not 'Who is the most qualified?'; it becomes 'How much political power does a candidate have behind them?'

In such a situation, qualified and capable individuals may be sidelined from the competition, while those with political connections may attain institutional responsibilities. Appointments become a result of political equations rather than an evaluation of merit and capability. This trend is observed in appointments at various levels, from office assistants to directors. Thus, the appointment process gradually deviates from academic merit, administrative capability, and institutional needs, becoming based on political division, factional influence, and personal connections.

This culture of political division is not just a problem of appointing a few individuals. It is a serious question about the institutional character of the university. When political access wins and merit loses in appointments, talented individuals become discouraged, capable people leave, and the institution's capacity gradually declines step by step.

Ultimately, the university becomes a battleground for the internal power balance of political parties. Positions become centers of influence and protection, not responsibility. And the university's question shifts from 'Whom to appoint?' to 'Whose person to appoint?'

• Service Commission

Complaints related to the Tribhuvan University Service Commission are also linked to this political culture. Allegations have been made that the influence of party organizations and their leaders affects decisions on who to make permanent, who to promote, who not to promote, who to advance, and who to hold back.

Service Commission officials are supposed to be impartial and independent. However, if they too have reached their positions through political division, they are bound to make decisions according to the advice of party professional organizations. In such a situation, the Service Commission becomes a center of political power balance rather than an institution that evaluates merit and capability. The author himself has experienced being a victim of such a process in some form in the past.

Therefore, this issue is not just a hearsay story; it is a matter connected with the experiences, complaints, and suffering of many professors who have worked within the university for a long time.

• The Perversion Called Research

Along with political interference, the question of academic ethics in the university has also become serious. Serious questions have been raised, especially regarding research articles, books, reports, and publications required for promotion.

It has been alleged that some professors have others write articles in their names, purchase articles or research materials, bring materials prepared in neighboring countries or elsewhere and publish them under their own names, or pay large sums to external publishing houses to publish materials and present them as international publications.

What is even more serious is that sometimes it is heard that individuals in positions of power are accused of making or changing rules to suit their own promotion. Such practices are not just personal dishonesty; they are a serious attack on the academic ethics of the university.

Regarding the current promotion process advertisement, it is heard that some 'clever' individuals are trying to obtain promotions by influencing the Service Commission, and some are actively pursuing it. However, the current situation appears somewhat different from the past.

• Impartiality of the Service Commission

Currently, the officials of the Service Commission, especially the Chairman, are known to come from a background different from the traditionally active political professional groups within the university. His academic background also appears strong. Being a board first in SLC in 2031 BS was not a common feat. I recall that in the 2035 BS SLC results, I myself walked for three hours to see the face of a student from a neighboring village who had achieved first division. Being board first at a time when even first division was rare is proof of strong academic qualification. His higher education also appears strong. Having reached the special category during government service and gained experience in various ministries, including education, as a secretary, he has now been appointed as the Chairman of the TU Service Commission.

In this situation, some purity can be expected in the TU Service Commission. Since the current Service Commission officials are not directly connected with the entrenched political power structure within the university, it can be estimated that the traditional political pressure on them will be relatively less.

For this reason, many professors now expect that the upcoming examinations and interviews of the Service Commission will be different, more transparent, and impartial than in the past. A hope has arisen among university professors – this time, merit, research, and actual capability will be prioritized over political connections, organizational pressure, and personal relationships.

However, the challenges are not few. Some candidates participating in the interview may have presented articles, reports, or research materials written by others as their original work, and some may have submitted fake documents. The real test for the Service Commission will be here: can it distinguish between original and fake academic work or not?

• How to Test the Relationship Between Article and Author?

A simple method to ascertain whether an article published under a candidate's name was actually written by them can be adopted during the interview. A representative article from the research or writing submitted by the candidate can be taken, and immediate questions can be asked about any argument, concept, or specific part mentioned in a subtitle of that article.

If the article was indeed researched and written by the candidate themselves, they can naturally and easily explain the core argument, theoretical basis, facts, conclusions, and writing process. However, if it is an article written or purchased from someone else, its actual intellectual ownership may be immediately revealed under scrutiny.

For subjects related to English and Nepali language and literature, this test can be even simpler and more effective. Candidates in Nepali, English, or other language subjects can be given a current topic during the interview and asked to write a short piece on that topic within five to seven minutes.

This allows for a direct assessment of the candidate's immediate linguistic ability, thought formation, reasoning skills, word choice, and writing style. Subsequently, it can be compared with the linguistic style of the published article submitted by the candidate. If there is a significant difference in style, sentence structure, word choice, thought formation, and linguistic proficiency, further investigation can be conducted.

This can test two things simultaneously – the candidate's subject knowledge and their actual writing ability. Such a test appears extremely necessary, especially for professors of language subjects. This is because the difference between materials written by others and materials written by oneself can be identified to a large extent through linguistic testing.

This five-to-seven-minute writing style assessment method within a 30-40 minute interview does not waste time but rather helps in evaluating the candidate's qualifications.

• The Ordeal of the Service Commission

There have been discussions for a long time at Tribhuvan University about individuals who, having lived under political shadows, could not become effective teachers in classrooms but sought promotions based on political connections, organizational relationships, or questionable documents.

If such allegations are true, the Service Commission must now conduct an impartial investigation. Has someone spent years under political protection, or has made genuine academic contributions? Did someone research themselves, or have it written by others? Are someone's documents real or fake? The upcoming promotion process should provide impartial answers to all these questions and establish a standard.

Merely political speeches are not enough to free Tribhuvan University from political division. Transparency, merit, and accountability must be established in every process of appointment, promotion, examination, and evaluation.

University officials are not representatives of political parties; they are custodians and servants of the university. Professors may be workers of political organizations, but within the university, their evaluation should be based on academic contributions. Student organizations may advocate for democratic rights, but their pressure on university appointments and administrative decisions cannot be an alternative to institutional autonomy.

• From Political Shadow Towards Academic Horizon

The reconstruction of Tribhuvan University is not possible through buildings, budgets, and technology alone. Its core problem lies in its institutional culture. If connections remain stronger than merit, relationships stronger than research, and political proximity more influential than academic standing in the university, no reform can be long-lasting.

What is now needed is the end of political division in appointments and promotions, academic integrity in research, transparency in evaluation, and primary accountability to the institution by officials.

The university should be run by the university's rules, methods, knowledge, and academic wisdom, not by political parties. The future of Tribhuvan University now stands at a decisive juncture. If political connections, group pressure, and personal interests win over merit and academic standing even now, the university's decline will certainly increase.

However, if impartiality, transparency, and genuine academic capability and contribution are prioritized, this same university can regain its lost prestige.

Let us hope that the Service Commission will now rise above considerations of who is close to whom and whose political affiliation is what, and select individuals based on knowledge, research, and work that are academic.