Party Official Criticizes Leadership Over Election Results and Internal Conflict

In the final meeting of the office bearers of the CPN (Maoist Centre) in Kartik 082 BS, I presented a four-point proposal in writing. The first and fourth points were directly related to the upcoming federal elections, the essence of which had already been made public through the media in the East at that time.

The first point proposed that to address the public sentiment expressed by the 'GenZ' movement, the aspiration for change, and the demand for a new political culture, individuals who have previously served as federal ministers or federal MPs should not be nominated as candidates in the upcoming federal elections, and new generations and new leadership should be given opportunities. It was believed that such a system would establish necessary control over parliamentarism and position-centric tendencies, as well as help in leadership transition, political renewal, and strengthening the party's relationship with public expectations.

The fourth point emphasized the need to resolve the unhealthy internal conflict in Sindhuli, which is directly linked to the central top leadership, in a political and organizational manner before the party unification. Otherwise, it was clearly pointed out that there was a risk of it having a long-term negative impact not only on the upcoming elections but also on the party's overall political direction, organizational unity, and public trust. Therefore, it was mentioned that this problem should be addressed as a serious political question developing within the party, not as a local or personal dispute.

However, due to the leadership's failure to adequately internalize the spirit of the people's movement and the subsequent public sentiment, and the failure to resolve the internal conflict in Sindhuli in a timely manner, its direct impact was seen in the elections. The public trust in the Nepali Communist Party and its leadership was directly affected as the party failed to establish a lively connection with the changed political psychology after the GenZ movement, and the accusations and counter-accusations in Sindhuli spread domestically and internationally through the media and social media.

After the disappointing election results, I made public on Falgun 30, 082 BS, the letter I had presented to the party meeting in Kartik. In it, I mentioned that the party leadership's failure to pay timely attention had caused a great political loss, and the relevance of the four-point proposals I had presented was confirmed by the election results. My status created a widespread public debate and received significant public support and feedback.

I kept remembering the same proverb, 'The crows keep cawing, the bran keeps drying.' Therefore, the pace of writing does not stop. As the basis of truth becomes clearer with time, the number of those who hurl abuses also decreases.

However, some circles began to rain obscene abuses and baseless accusations in a sponsored manner on those statuses, which could not even be a subject of criticism. Well-wishers, supporters, and family members also suggested not writing or expressing opinions publicly for some time. But I firmly believed that the right to rebellion should not be suppressed by not expressing thoughts. Therefore, I deemed it necessary to counter the misinformation, false information, and sponsored accusations with facts. Because this disagreement and counter-argument was a matter related to democratic rights.

I kept remembering the same proverb, 'The crows keep cawing, the bran keeps drying.' Therefore, the pace of writing does not stop. As the basis of truth becomes clearer with time, the number of those who hurl abuses also decreases. After the situation became excessive, and readers themselves started countering those who used obscene language, I am experiencing an increase in the number of those standing in favor of facts and truth. It seems that the illusion created in some individuals is also gradually disappearing.

The public has seen who nurtured the tendency to respond to dissent with obscene abuses in a district like Sindhuli, which carries a history of struggle and sacrifice; and which figures led it. There is no need to repeat it. Some are revealing facts directly connected to the central leadership.

Before the federal elections, we had seriously warned the main leadership team about how the misuse of a certain individual could lead to the development of a distorted political culture and unhealthy customs in a historic district. However, instead of taking that warning seriously, the leadership adopted a threatening tone. After that, using obscene comments that were unbearable to hear and see, a malicious campaign was launched to tarnish the glorious history of the communist movement in Sindhuli.

It is noteworthy that in the parliamentary election process of 079 BS, Mahashwor Dahal, realizing that the leadership was trying to misuse him against me, refused to take the federal parliament ticket. Thereafter, instead of choosing the path of ideological debate and political dialogue, the leadership advanced a political style of insult, accusation, and character assassination, and misused another individual against me. The current dire situation is a natural consequence of that distorted political culture. In this sense, the plan to smear Mahashwor Dahal is not just an incident against one person, but a continuation of the tendency to socially defame and politically ostracize those who express dissent.

This struggle began to be expressed organizationally through the 'Janta Sangha Maoist Rupantaran Abhiyan' (Transforming Maoist with the People Campaign). This process, which started under the leadership of the then campaign in-charge Mahashwor Dahal, continued with the active participation of the post-campaign leadership team—in-charge Buddhiman Majhi, central member Dirgharaj Shrestha, coordinator Paniraj Bamjan, and secretary Binod Bikal. Because it is related to the historical development of the movement and the new political tasks.

However, a serious question arises here—why and how did the internal conflict within the Nepali communist movement explode with Sindhuli at its center? Is this merely an accidental or individual-centric event, or is it an objective process born out of historical necessity? Is its root cause the ambition of a particular individual, or an expression of long-accumulated ideological, political, and organizational contradictions within the party? To understand this correctly, it is necessary to analyze the event by moving beyond the limited scope of individuals and considering the overall context of history, ideology, and organization.

In the stage of the capitalist-people's democratic revolution, the main center of organization and struggle was Western Nepal, especially Rolpa. During that stage, the peasant class was the main social base of the revolution, while the working class played a supporting role. However, after the promulgation of the constitution, the country entered a new phase of peaceful political competition. Along with this, in accordance with the direction of socialist transformation, the theoretical need to make the working class the main social force has become stronger.

Ultimately, in the context of the federal elections of 082 BS, the unified district task force's unanimous rebellious decision to field an independent candidate marked a new turn in this internal conflict.

Against this historical and objective backdrop of change, the internal conflict within the Nepali communist movement appears to have gradually shifted from west to east. Therefore, to understand Sindhuli, known as the Rolpa of the East, and the ideological and organizational conflicts that developed in Eastern Nepal, it is not enough to see them merely as the ambition of an individual, a ticket, or a local dispute; it is necessary to analyze them by connecting them with the changing class structure of society, the new tasks of the socialist movement, and the restructuring of leadership.

Ultimately, in the context of the federal elections of 082 BS, the unified district task force's unanimous rebellious decision to field an independent candidate marked a new turn in this internal conflict. In this sense, the internal conflict in Sindhuli is not just a local organizational dispute, but is establishing itself as an ideological and political struggle that forces a reconsideration of the direction, working style, and the wrong culture adopted by the leadership of the Nepali communist movement.

The collective resignation of provincial and district leaders working in SunKoshi Rural Municipality should be understood as a link in this chain. The events have taken a new turn since former Prime Minister and senior party leader Comrade Jhalanath Khanal challenged it through a 24-page, 36-point dissent letter submitted to coordinator Pushpa Kamal Dahal.

The internal conflict in Sindhuli is, in fact, a concentrated expression of the ideological, political, and organizational contradictions that have been accumulating within the Nepali communist movement for a long time. Its roots do not lie in the conflict between specific individuals or local disputes, but in serious questions related to the direction of socialist transformation, the party's working style, leadership methods, and political culture. Therefore, to understand it merely as an incident in one district would be an injustice to both history and reality.

The struggle in Sindhuli is related to keeping the party as it is or leading it towards socialist revolution. The central expression of the party's national contradictions has manifested in Sindhuli as a historical necessity.

If such contradictions are not resolved in a timely manner through ideological debate, democratic dialogue, and organizational reform, the dissatisfaction and resistance seen in Sindhuli are certain to spread not only across the country but also to committees abroad. Although this appears as an accidental explosion, it is in essence a signal of nationwide discontent simmering within, like a fire under the ashes. It may also take the form of a widespread ideological restructuring or a nationwide rebellious tendency within the party in the future.