Balen Shah Government Completes 100 Days Amidst Mixed Reviews

The popular uprising that surged from the streets under the leadership of the Gen Z generation on Bhadra 23 and 24, 2082, shook the foundations of the increasingly entrenched party factionalism and (im)moral corruption in Nepali politics. Institutionalizing that strong public aspiration for good governance and transformational leadership, the Nepali people gave an unprecedented mandate of nearly two-thirds to the leadership of senior Rastriya Swatantra Party leader Balendra Shah in the elections held last February. This is the strongest popular base received by any Prime Minister since the establishment of federalism. 

Riding on that powerful wave of public sentiment, the current government was formed under the leadership of Prime Minister Balendra Shah. In the very first cabinet meeting after the government's formation, an ambitious goal of accomplishing 100 tasks in 100 days was announced by approving the 100-point 'Agenda for Governance Reform'. 

Those 100 points were categorized into 11 areas, including administrative reform, restructuring, digital governance, corruption control, public service delivery, investment promotion, energy, agriculture, education, health, social security, public procurement, and basic service improvement.

With the completion of 100 days since the government's formation, the government's 'honeymoon period' has also ended, and the government yesterday released a 34-page report titled 'Key Achievements of the Government of Nepal in 100 Days'. 

The question is, did the Balen government fulfill its 100 commitments within these 100 days? How should this 100-day journey be evaluated? While the government claims 87.2 percent progress on its 100-point agenda and states that 70 points have been implemented, independent analyses and published news reports present a different picture. Some have given the government 38 percent, while others have given it only 20 percent. 

However, if this 100-day period is viewed solely through the lens of the procedural and arithmetic achievements claimed by the government, it will be incomplete. The mandate of two-thirds received based on Balen Shah's election campaign promises – 'Janakpur ma Pradesh auro balgar banabe ke hai' and in Sudurpaschim 'Sudur ab door nai, jhikkei-jhikkai maya tamlai' – his government's working style, the judiciary's checks, his party's policy contradictions, and his future political steps are the main subjects of this article.

The main targets of the governance reform agenda, publicly announced by the Balen Shah-led cabinet on the first day of its formation, were to cut administrative wastage, ruthlessly attack corruption, and make public service delivery free from middlemen. And, if we consider the report on achievements released by his government yesterday, some of his steps indeed appear courageous and as starting points. 

If we consider the achievements published by the government, there has been significant progress in the goals of digital governance and service delivery. The campaign to deliver essential services like passports, citizenship, and driving licenses to citizens' doorsteps via post, which has started as a pilot in some districts, and the mandatory online system for mortgage registration and release have provided great relief to the public from middlemen and unnecessary hassles. 

Looking at his administrative surgery and expenditure reduction targets, reducing the previous 22 ministries to 18, and forming a cabinet of only 17 members despite having the facility to form a cabinet of up to 25 members as per Article 76 (9) of the constitution, dissolving unnecessary government bodies, and abolishing party trade unions that have made the bureaucracy a battleground for party politics for years through an ordinance are clear steps by Balen towards governance reform. 

On the other hand, confiscating and returning 672 government vehicles and motorcycles that had been misused by influential people for years, bringing them back under state control, has greatly boosted the target of financial discipline. 

If we consider the achievements published by the government, there has been significant progress in the goals of digital governance and service delivery. The campaign to deliver essential services like passports, citizenship, and driving licenses to citizens' doorsteps via post, which has started as a pilot in some districts, and the mandatory online system for mortgage registration and release have provided great relief to the public from middlemen and unnecessary hassles. 

Similarly, the six hundred percent increase in complaints to 'Hello Sarkar' and the resolution of sixty percent of complaints clearly indicate public trust in the government in arithmetic terms. The practice of publishing SEE results within one month, Class 12 results within 40 days, and university results within 65 days is a major achievement for the education sector. 

Likewise, the formation of a commission to investigate the assets of high-ranking officials from 2062/063 to 2082/083, collecting over 11,000 complaints, and filing cases against 101 individuals with claims of 118 billion rupees through the Department of Money Laundering, and recovering approximately 132.6 million rupees from four hundred Tribhuvan University professors for not returning from study leave, further strengthens the government's policy of 'zero tolerance' towards economic and financial crimes and corruption. 

Certainly, the Balen government has initiated some notable work in administrative reform and corruption control. These are the positive aspects of this government. 

However, despite such commendable efforts, the Balen government's first 100 days appear to be mired in 'populism' and 'political vendetta' rather than mature political foresight and the rule of law. Some steps taken from the very first day of the government's formation have raised serious questions about its democratic integrity. 

Especially, the hasty attempts to control or bring some leaders of old political parties under the purview of action through the first day's decision after the government was formed were widely criticized. There is no disagreement that corrupt individuals should be punished. However, the level of legal preparation, concrete evidence, and procedural maturity that the state requires before apprehending any citizen appears to be clearly lacking in the Balen government. 

Another weak point of the government is its relationship with the private sector. The arrest of some business houses has created fear in the private sector. Although the RPP's manifesto mentioned making the private sector a partner in development, statistics confirm that no concrete efforts have been made to prevent structural collapse in the business sector.

As a result, the judiciary, deeming these steps unlawful, put a brake on the government's arbitrariness. Such strong remarks from the court have raised serious doubts about the government's intention to establish the rule of law. Such impulsive 'actions' taken in haste, without adequate groundwork and legal basis, ultimately weaken the rule of law and provide opponents with an excuse to play cards against the government. 

Another serious deviation seen in the Balen government's working style is its insensitivity to the problems of the common people and its indifference to democratic processes. The government has failed in managing the squatters in Kathmandu. While demolishing settlements in risky riverside areas and creating parks is environmentally commendable, the fact that only 388 out of 2608 displaced families could be accommodated in holding centers, and even they were told to manage on their own after some time, raises a big question about the government's welfare-oriented democratic character. 

'Development' and 'urban beauty' being forcibly imposed at the cost of squatters' suicides is itself against the minimum human rights of citizens and the guarantee of safe resettlement. The government should not have trampled its humanitarian character so quickly. 

On the other hand, the pace of resolving the problems of cooperative victims has been very slow. Although an ordinance was introduced, the government report mentions that only the funds of 1452 small depositors from eight cooperatives have been returned out of millions of victims. This pace does not match the speed of a government that has received a two-thirds mandate. 

Another weak point of the government is its relationship with the private sector. The arrest of some business houses has created fear in the private sector. Although the RPP's manifesto mentioned making the private sector a partner in development, statistics confirm that no concrete efforts have been made to prevent structural collapse in the business sector. However, here, even ministers of the government seem to be motivated to imprison, threaten, and 'break the legs' of businessmen. 

Another weakness of the government is its attempt to evade accountability to the parliamentarians. The head of the government himself, the Prime Minister, does not seem willing to interact with the parliamentarians. Such behavior has started raising questions about the Prime Minister's capabilities. Despite having a two-thirds majority in parliament, the continuous resort to ordinances on issues of long-term importance such as amendment of the Procurement Act, dissolution of trade unions, and dismissal of public officials is not a good sign from the perspective of parliamentary supremacy. 

This trend of governing through ordinances, bypassing parliament, indicates a growing authoritarian mindset in the executive branch. 

If Balen Shah's working style and expressions are closely examined, it appears that he is driven by a kind of 'populist impulse' rather than democratic balance and policy clarity. Some striking examples of this can be found in his imprudent statement regarding the country's borders in parliament and his reactive statements during the recent first general convention of the RPP. Among other things, he stated in parliament that he left the parliament and went to Singha Durbar because there were no toilets. 

Similarly, while addressing the inaugural session of the general convention as a guest, he responded to the goodwill expressed by leaders of various parties who had accepted the invitation of his own party, interpreting the mandate received from the people in his own way. 

Interpreting the two-thirds mandate he received in the elections, Prime Minister Shah made an interesting yet thought-provoking claim. He said, 'We have brought this dry river back to the mainstream by creating an electoral storm and flood.' 

While his ambition to change the system with the force of public momentum sounds attractive, it carries an equal risk of disregarding traditional institutions and processes. 

Further responding to the goodwill of another guest during the address, the Prime Minister added, 'Our government is not like a car running on a broken or potholed road; it is a government running directly on a super-speed highway, which does not need any brakes.' 

In a democracy, the principle of 'checks and balances', or separation of powers, has its own dignity. The judiciary, parliament, and public criticism are the 'brakes' of a democratic system. Even after the judiciary applied the brakes on the very first day's decision, saying 'we don't need brakes' is a sign of fascist arrogance. The Prime Minister should not forget that a car without brakes, no matter how fast it drives on the highway, can lead to a terrible accident, not transformation. 

Although Balen Shah's 100-day tenure appears aggressive and results-oriented compared to average governments of the past, it has proven to be very weak in terms of legal maturity, policy stability, and democratic behavior. 

During the election campaign in Janakpur, in his first speech, while speaking in a mix of various languages spoken in the Madhesh region, he said, ' प्रदेश के अउर बलगर बनाबे के है' (We need to make the province even stronger). Similarly, during the election campaign in Sudurpaschim, he expressed his affinity and emotional message towards the culture and geography of Sudurpaschim by saying, 'सुदूर अब दूर नाई, झिक्क-झिक्क माया तम्लाई' (Sudurpaschim is not far now, much, much love to you). 

These statements indicate his commitment to federalism, and it was because of these statements that the people of Madhesh, Sudurpaschim, and Karnali were happy and changed their votes. However, his own party passed a policy to 'abolish the provincial assembly' from its first general convention. Saying he would strengthen federalism during the election and then saying he would abolish federalism after winning the election exposes the dual character of the government and its leadership. 

Thus, although Balen Shah's 100-day tenure appears aggressive and results-oriented compared to average governments of the past, it has proven to be very weak in terms of legal maturity, policy stability, and democratic behavior. 

The brake applied by the judiciary on the first day's decision and the policy contradictions within the party are a major warning and challenge for the Balen government. This government has taken 'speed', but the 'direction' is still unclear. In this journey, where both enthusiasm and anger are visible, the public had/has great hope in the Balen government. 

However, in terms of 100 days, the gap between promises and reality appears quite large. The two-thirds mandate entrusted by the people is not just for 'stunts' and a 'brakeless' journey, but for building a just, mature, and rule-of-law-abiding system. Only by rising above impulsiveness, policy ambiguity, and politics of revenge in the coming days, and by being humanely sensitive to the problems of the common people like squatters and cooperative victims, will Balen Shah's journey become the 'real highway' of transformation. 

Otherwise, this journey of populism, which disregards the rule of law and democratic checks, will soon turn into a 'dark tunnel' of excitement. The foundation has been laid, but it needs continuous coloring of maturity and balance. If the people's trust is broken, it cannot be said that it will not lead to a dire situation again. 

(Dr. Kushwaha holds a doctorate from Jawaharlal Nehru University in India.)