Bandung Conference's Relevance in Geopolitical Shifts and Nepal's Foreign Policy

The Bandung Conference of 1955 is a significant mode that redefined the world's political map in a new way during a long historical period of struggle and transformation. It is also a historic starting point. The 29 newly independent and recently recovering nations from colonial oppression in Asia and Africa, gathered at the 'Gedung Merdeka' (Independence Hall) in the peaceful and cultural city of Bandung, Indonesia, announced a new chapter in history that directly challenged the century-long monopoly of the North Atlantic imperialist powers.

The recent thought-provoking article by renowned Marxist analyst Vijay Prasad has been published in the 23rd newsletter of 'Tricontinental: Institute for Sociological Research'. Centered on the theme 'Let's Build a New Asia of Our Dreams', the relevance of the Bandung spirit has become even more pronounced at this complex juncture of current geopolitical crisis, the growing risk of neo-colonialism, and economic dependence.

In this historical context, this article will discuss the Bandung Conference, the Non-Aligned foreign policy, and its modern relevance for a landlocked, strategically sensitive country like Nepal, situated between two giant economies.

Bandung Conference (1955)

Even after the devastation of World War II and the end of fascism, the world could not breathe a sigh of complete peace. On one hand, nations in Asia and Africa were in the process of freeing themselves from the cruel chain of long European colonial rule, while on the other hand, the world was rapidly dividing into two poles. On one side was the capitalist power led by America, and on the other was the communist power led by the Soviet Union. For this reason, the world was caught in the grip of the Cold War.

In such an uncomfortable, frightening, and divided environment, the Bandung Conference was organized from April 18 to 24, 1955, under the leadership of Indonesian President Sukarno, Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser, Ghanaian leader Kwame Nkrumah, Yugoslav President Josip Broz Tito, and Chinese Prime Minister Zhou Enlai. The core principle of the conference was that newly independent countries should not fall into the military alliance or ideological servitude of any imperialist power again.

In his inaugural address at the conference, President Sukarno said, 'What connects us is not our ideology, religion, or culture, but our shared hatred of colonialism, in whatever form it appears.' The Bandung Conference expanded the five principles of Panchsheel and issued a historic 10-point Bandung Declaration for world peace and cooperation.

This conference laid the foundation for the Non-Aligned Movement, which was formally established in Belgrade in 1961. Bandung was not just a diplomatic gathering; it was the first historical clarion call in history for the firm political resolve of the majority of the world's oppressed people to decide their own destiny.

• Bandung Conference and Nepal

The Bandung Conference of 1955 is a chapter written in golden letters in the history of Nepal's modern foreign policy. In Nepal, after the end of the century-long autocratic Rana regime and the rise of democracy in 1951 (2007 BS), Nepal's identity in the outside world was still limited to being a country overshadowed by the British Empire or confined within the security umbrella of neighboring India.

It was extremely important for Nepal to prove its independent identity, sovereignty, and strategic autonomy in the international arena. At such a sensitive juncture, Nepal got the historic opportunity to participate in the Bandung Conference. Nepal was represented at the conference by a high-level delegation led by the then Badaguruju Bijayraj Pandey. Nepal's presence in Bandung was itself a major political message. In Nepal's context, it provided three important foundations:

(a) International Legitimacy of Sovereignty:

At the Bandung Conference, Nepal presented itself on the world stage as a glorious and sovereign independent nation that had never been a slave to anyone in any period of history. The 29 participating nations in Asia and Africa recognized Nepal's independent existence. This provided Nepal with a strong moral and diplomatic basis to obtain membership in the United Nations in the same year (December 1955).

(b) Adoption of Panchsheel and Non-Alignment:

Nepal made the principles of Panchsheel, such as sovereignty, equality, respect for territorial integrity, non-interference in internal affairs, and peaceful coexistence, passed by the Bandung Conference, an irrefutable cornerstone of its foreign policy. The inclusion of the principles of non-alignment and Panchsheel as state guiding principles in Nepal's constitution is a conceptual legacy of the Bandung Conference itself.

(c) Diplomatic Expansion with China and Other Nations:

On the 'sidelines' of the Bandung Conference, Nepal held important discussions with China's then Prime Minister Zhou Enlai. This very meeting opened the door for the establishment of formal diplomatic relations between Nepal and China in August 1955. Bandung also provided Nepal with a historic opportunity to diversify its diplomatic relations globally, balancing its traditional dependence on India.

• Paradox of the Global South and Asian Crisis

In his article, Marxist analyst Vijay Prasad provides a very poignant and realistic analysis of the current world politics, especially the state of the 'Global South'. His analysis clarifies why the Bandung spirit is in crisis today and why its revival is imperative. According to Vijay Prasad, there is a new paradox and contradiction in today's Global South.

Moral Decay and the Quest for Autonomy: On one hand, the moral authority of Western powers (Global North) is rapidly declining, and the consciousness for strategic autonomy and economic sovereignty is growing in Global South countries. While organizations like BRICS+ and the growth in South-South trade are a result of this, on the other hand, the fear of punishment (economic blockade, sanctions, and war) from Western powers remains strong in developing countries.

Recent imperialist interventions in Cuba, Iran, Palestine, and Venezuela have further fueled this fear. According to the 2026 Democracy Index, only four out of 97 countries in the world are willing to host US military bases. This shows that the people of the world do not want American military dominance and war. However, they are also unable to escape the cycle of potential punishment and economic temptation.

Vijay Prasad points out a sad reality in Asia: while regional political structures like the African Union in Africa and UNASUR in South America have been formed (even if they are currently weakened due to neoliberal quagmires and debt), Asia has not even been able to form a basic framework or political structure for a regional project.

In Asia, the spirit of regionalism was previously marred by the brutality of Japanese militarism, and today, intense inter-state rivalries, border disputes, competitive nationalism, and the dense web of US-led military alliances have completely fragmented the continent politically. ASEAN is confined to a mere trade body, while the Asian Development Bank has become a tool of US neoliberal policy. Although the Shanghai Cooperation Organization offers some hope, Asia, despite being the main economic engine of the world, is politically very weak and divided.

• Relevance of Bandung in Geopolitical Ups and Downs

Today's world has reached a more complex and dangerous juncture than the Cold War world of 1955. As Vijay Prasad says, politics today is limited to management rather than transformation. Palestine is under brutal occupation and genocide. War, blockade, and militarism are destroying the world. In such a situation, the relevance of the Bandung spirit can be clarified in the following points:

(a) Risk of New Cold War and Polarization:

The current world is once again falling into the grip of a 'new Cold War' between Western powers led by America and the axis led by China-Russia. The war between Iran-America-Israel, the Ukraine crisis, the tension in the Taiwan Strait, and the war imposed on the entire Middle East are polarizing the world into military alliances again. Small and developing countries are being intensely pressured to take sides. In such a situation, the principle of non-alignment from the Bandung Conference, which advocates not joining any military bloc and making one's own decisions, is the shield for small nations.

(b) Neo-colonialism and the Economic Imperialist Trap:

Although traditional colonialism based on guns and military force has ended, it has now been replaced by neo-colonial forms such as economic blockades, various types of sanctions, dollar dominance, and debt traps. Multinational corporations and financial institutions controlled by the Global North are controlling the sovereignty of developing countries. To fight against this, the concept of 'collective self-reliance' and 'South-South cooperation' put forward by Bandung has become even more practical and necessary today.

(c) Common Solutions to Non-Military and Multilateral Challenges:

Challenges such as climate change, food insecurity, energy crisis, water disputes, and pandemics are not limited within the borders of any single country. These are structural problems created by a capitalist world order that prioritizes profit over humanity. As Vijay Prasad writes, 'Economic integration alone cannot secure true sovereignty in Asia.' To solve these common human crises, multilateral diplomacy based on global solidarity, justice, and equality, as taught by Bandung, is the only option.

• Nepal's Geopolitical Complexity

Nepal's geographical location is both its diplomatic strength and challenge. Situated between powerful China to the north and India, with a historical and open border to the east, west, and south, Nepal is increasingly becoming a focal point of today's 'great power competition'. Due to American strategic interests and Western attempts to counter China's rise, Nepal's territory is at risk of becoming a geopolitical playground.

In this context, the relevance of the Bandung spirit for Nepal is evident in the following specific areas:

(a) Strategic Alliances:

In recent years, Nepal has come under pressure from agreements like America's Indo-Pacific Strategy (IPS) and MCC. American and Western powers appear to be trying to draw Nepal into their strategic security perimeter, while China is extremely sensitive to its territory not being used against its security. India wants to maintain its traditional political and economic monopoly in Nepal. At such a time, Nepal cannot forget the core principle of the Bandung Conference, which clearly stated – 'Countries should not fall under the pressure of collective defense agreements or military alliances of any major powers.'

Nepal should have been able to limit projects like MCC strictly to the scope of economic and infrastructure development. It should have refused to join any military or strategic component of it. The yardstick of Bandung prohibits Nepal from falling under the 'security umbrella' of any neighbor or superpower.

(b) Principle of Non-Interference in Internal Affairs:

The blatant interference of external powers in Nepal's domestic politics, subtle management, and diplomatic activism in government changes pose a major challenge to Nepal's sovereignty. Point 4 of the Bandung Declaration clearly guarantees 'not to interfere or meddle in the internal affairs of another country.' Nepal must use the international legitimacy of Bandung as a strong weapon to firmly reject the interference of neighbors or Western powers in its internal affairs.

(c) Rights of Landlocked Countries and Economic Autonomy:

For a landlocked country like Nepal, transit rights and unimpeded access to the sea are matters of life and death. The inhuman economic blockade Nepal faced in 2015 (2072 BS) is a glaring example of this. The Bandung Conference had raised a collective voice against the economic autonomy, trade equality, and external oppression of small and landlocked countries. Nepal needs to achieve economic strategic autonomy in line with the Bandung spirit by rapidly implementing the transport and transit agreements with China to diversify its trade and transit.

• The Vision of an Asian Union

In his article, Vijay Prasad presents a very beautiful and timely vision – 'Asian Union'. His proposal is that 'We can gather in Indonesia in 2030 to celebrate the 75th anniversary of Bandung and launch the Asian Union.' However, this will only be possible when the people of Asia oppose militarism in their region and demand the removal of US military bases from Okinawa to the Philippines. Why is this vision a great possibility and opportunity for Nepal?

(a) Collective Voice of Small Nations:

If an Asian Union is established, small nations like Nepal will no longer be forced to negotiate only bilaterally with giant economies like India or China. Nepal's political weight will increase on a common continental platform, and a collective security and economic shield will be built to protect the interests of small nations.

(b) Common Management of Regional Infrastructure and Climate Crisis:

Nepal is the center of the Himalayan ecosystem. Melting glaciers due to climate change, water scarcity, and natural disasters cannot be solved by Nepal's efforts alone. An Asian Union will help manage Asia's water resources, green energy flow, and environmental crises in a scientific and just manner. Nepal can use this platform to connect its abundant hydropower potential with the energy corridor of South and Southeast Asia.

(c) Liberation from SAARC's Inaction:

The South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) is headquartered in Nepal. However, due to the conflict between India and Pakistan and competitive nationalism, SAARC has been in a coma for years. Even though Nepal wants to lead regional cooperation, it has to remain a hostage of SAARC. In such a situation, the creation of a larger 'Asian Union' will break the deadlock in South Asia and directly connect Nepal with the economic dynamism of East Asia, Central Asia, and West Asia.

• Conclusion

The words expressed by Jawaharlal Nehru at the Asian Conference in 1947 and quoted by Vijay Prasad are still powerful today, where he says, 'There is a new vitality and a powerful creative impulse in all the peoples of Asia. The masses have awakened and are demanding their rights. A powerful wind is blowing across Asia. Let us not be afraid of them, but rather welcome them, for only with their cooperation can we build a new Asia of our dreams.'

Today, a powerful wind of change is blowing in Asia. Asia has become the center of the world's economic power. But as Vijay Prasad says, this economic transformation is politically fragmented. This fragmentation is even more fatal for small nations.

For Nepal, the Bandung Conference and the principle of non-alignment are not past nostalgia or old documents to be kept in a museum. It is a living guiding principle for preserving Nepal's existence, sovereignty, and diplomatic independence. To avoid the triangular geopolitical pressure of today, Nepal must make its diplomacy 'pro-active'.

Nepal must clearly refuse to become a pawn in the strategic or military interests of any power bloc. We must partner with both our neighbors and international powers in economic cooperation, trade, and infrastructure development. But we must never mortgage our decision-making authority.

As Vijay Prasad calls for, Nepal should lead dialogues at the artistic, intellectual, and diplomatic levels for the creation of a new, progressive Pan-Asianism. Realizing the dream of announcing an 'Asian Union' by standing at the 75th anniversary of Bandung in 2030 and building a free, prosperous, and peaceful Nepal and Asia of our dreams is the main political and national task of our time, which is to embrace the Bandung spirit from today.