Analysis of Three Communist Ideological Trends: Eurocommunism, Jajumo, and Latin American Socialism

In the 1990s, the global communist movement was historically defensive. Following the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the fall of the Berlin Wall, Marxism-Leninism itself was questioned. Rumors spread that the communist movement was over and had no future. The bourgeoisie rejoiced. Eastern Europe attempted to convey the message that the communist movement had been wiped out globally by demolishing Lenin's statues. Amidst this ideological confusion and clamor, Madan Bhandari, in 1993, presented the theoretical framework of People's Multiparty Democracy (Jajumo) with the slogan of opposing revisionism and creatively applying Marxism for Nepal, thus attempting to preserve the communist movement in Nepal.

For nearly two decades prior, communist parties in Western Europe had already adopted the path of 'Eurocommunism.' Similarly, at the dawn of the new millennium, the Latin American continent was embarking on a new type of experiment, 'Socialism of the 21st Century.' There is a notable similarity at the core of all three ideological phenomena.

All three trends sought to present themselves as established powers grounded in Marxist principles, while simultaneously concluding that the communist movement could not advance through Soviet-style one-party socialism, and aiming for a 'peaceful transition' within a capitalist parliamentary framework.

This article will offer a Marxist critique of these three trends of alternative revolutionary models on the occasion of the 33rd memorial day of Madan Bhandari.

Eurocommunism: From Gramsci to Reformism

Eurocommunism is an ideology that was established primarily within the Italian, Spanish, and French Communist Parties in the 1970s and 80s. It claimed to have developed a new theory and practice for socialist transformation in the context of Western Europe. Its theoretical foundation is considered to lie in the ideas of Antonio Gramsci, who, while opposing leftist factionalism, encouraged communist parties to expand social alliances.

From a Marxist perspective, Eurocommunism remained merely an 'algebra of contradictions.' It failed to practically implement Gramsci's proposed framework of cultural hegemony and the complex process of revolution. Consequently, it gradually slipped away from its Leninist theoretical foundation.

Due to its rigid interpretation of Marxism-Leninism and its identification with the 'Western parliamentary institutional framework' of democracy, it inevitably transformed into another form of reformism. European communists opted for the path of 'peaceful transition' instead of violent revolution, meaning they adopted a policy of participating in regular elections to gain a majority in government power.

Instead of Lenin's 'dictatorship of the proletariat,' multiparty democracy was placed at the center. From Santiago Carrillo of Spain to Enrico Berlinguer of Italy, attempts were made to theorize this 'new path.' However, the greatest outcome of this practice was merely the socio-democratization of European leftist politics.

From a Marxist perspective, Eurocommunism remained merely an 'algebra of contradictions.' It failed to practically implement Gramsci's proposed framework of cultural hegemony and the complex process of revolution. Consequently, it gradually slipped away from its Leninist theoretical foundation.

Jajumo: Alternative or Right-Wing Revisionism?

In the early 1990s, Madan Bhandari developed the concept of People's Multiparty Democracy (Jajumo) to lead Nepal's communist movement in a challenging global environment. It aimed to merge Marxist ideological values with democratic multipartyism.

On one hand, for a party inheriting the legacy of the Naxalite tradition from the Jhapa movement to adopt multiparty competition as its working policy was an unimaginable yet bold ideological leap in Nepali politics. Bhandari identifies 'ideological rigidity' as the main reason for the global communist downfall.

This socialism was based on Marxist principles and a model of local values, cultural identity, and visible social justice intervention. Hugo Chávez advocated for 'a completely new socialism,' while Evo Morales put forward the theory of 'communal socialism' by centering the concept of local indigenous values and community economies.

According to the classical Marxist definition, abandoning the path of rigid class struggle and socialization of the means of production in favor of compromise with the parliamentary structure is historically termed 'revisionism.' In reality, Bhandari advocated that the communist party should move forward by competing with social-democratic parties, turning the failure of the Soviet model, the fall of the Berlin Wall, and the end of the Panchayat system into an opportunity.

However, for Marxist critics, the question remains: Did Jajumo make its Marxist foundation so flexible that its revolutionary character was completely destroyed? The Nepali communist party became a regular player within the neoliberal forces of the capitalist system. The argument that multiparty systems are a 'weapon' used by the bourgeoisie and capitalists to weaken revolution was strongly held within the party, a notion refuted by the fifth general convention of the CPN (UML).

Latin American Movement

After the 1990s, the failure of neoliberal policies became evident in Latin America. As a reaction to the Washington Consensus, a broad leftist movement emerged in a different form, known as the 'Pink Tide.' This movement seized power through electoral processes and implemented a distinctive form of 21st-century socialism in nations like Venezuela, Bolivia, Ecuador, and Nicaragua.

This socialism was based on Marxist principles and a model of local values, cultural identity, and visible social justice intervention. Hugo Chávez advocated for 'a completely new socialism,' while Evo Morales put forward the theory of 'communal socialism' by centering the concept of local indigenous values and community economies.

However, according to critics, although this practice deviated from the Eastern European Soviet model, it remained highly personality-centric and dependent on extractive industries. Furthermore, social justice in distribution failed to solve the fundamental issue of production.

Comparative Analysis

A common characteristic is observed at the core of all three models: dissatisfaction with the one-party model of Eastern Europe and Soviet imperialism in Marxist terminology, and the search for an alternative. All embody the same principle: parliamentary democracy, pluralism, and free electoral systems are essential components of Marxist politics.

However, from a class perspective, none of these models intensified the socialization of the means of production, nor did they show ambition to fundamentally transform capitalist economies and relations. Does the outcome of the recent elections in India and Nepal, and the defeat of the leftists, confirm this argument? This question also remains unanswered.

We must not forget that Nepal's Jajumo was created later than Eurocommunism and emerged from the immediate context of the Soviet collapse. It sought to establish itself by linking the issues of national liberation and development in a Third World country. Latin American socialism appears more directly active in social movements and public participation than the other two.

Nevertheless, its success also fails when tested against the Marxist formula of the value of commodities and labor. History has shown that socialist transformation using the capitalist parliamentary system as a tool is not possible, a fact that Jajumo rejects. Ultimately, all these are models of capital-supporting socialism that survive on the emotional rhetoric of Marxism.

Conclusion

Madan Bhandari's Jajumo, Eurocommunism, and Latin American socialism teach the same truth: Marxists must always meticulously observe local conditions and power balances. However, the biggest problem with these models is that when the communist movement makes alliances with capitalist forces and the parliamentary system its main strategy, it gradually loses its core Leninist weapon, and the fundamental class structure of society remains unchanged.

If the application of People's Multiparty Democracy had continued to advance revolutionary control as an interventionist force in society, it would have been truly historic. But in practice, it became a part of the capitalist world. Today's serious review makes it clear from both Jajumo and Eurocommunism that dreaming of socialism while riding the immensely powerful ship of capitalist globalization is merely an illusion. It makes the mistake of viewing multiparty competition and elections in the same basket.

Remembering Madan Bhandari, it can be said that if Jajumo is made the Hindu Vedas, the Muslim Quran, and the Christian Bible today, its relevance will be lost.

They do not hold the belief that any subject should be viewed from a Marxist worldview. Eurocommunism completely rejects the dictatorship of the proletariat, while Jajumo emphasizes the creative application of Marxist-Leninist principles. Eurocommunism speaks directly of socialism in developed capitalist countries but in practice cannot move beyond reformism. Jajumo talks about radical change to destroy the comprador capitalist state power and yet remains within the capitalist state power. Eurocommunism revolves around a peaceful parliamentary system, while Jajumo talks about the use of force.

Those who claim to be the true guardians of Jajumo today have turned it into a means of deception. They have found such a magic mantra in Jajumo that it sustains their inherited legacy. Jajumo, introduced as an alternative to dogmatism, has failed to escape dogmatism within itself.

Remembering Madan Bhandari, it can be said that if Jajumo is made the Hindu Vedas, the Muslim Quran, and the Christian Bible today, its relevance will be lost.