Nepal's Landless Problem: An Opportunity for Transformation

According to great scientist Albert Einstein, 'A problem created from the level of thought cannot be solved from the same level of thought. If a problem is to be solved, the level of thought must be changed.' Nepal's landless and squatters problem is exactly in that state. 

For decades, this issue has been viewed through political sloganeering, temporary commissions, token distribution, and electoral promises, but instead of solving the problem, it has become more complex. The reason is clear: the problem has been treated only as a problem, not as an opportunity. As long as the state views the landless condition only as poverty, disorganization, and a political burden, this problem will not be solved. 

But the day the state starts viewing this manpower as productive force, labor force, and a new economic base, a new chapter of social and economic transformation will begin in Nepal. In the past, many forces that played politics in the name of the poor, farmers, and squatters came to power. But they could not utilize this problem as an opportunity for national reconstruction. 

Therefore, the government led by Balen has a rare opportunity to change history. Now the main question before the government is: will Nepal remain a country that keeps pushing problems in the old style, or will it create a new history by utilizing this opportunity? Does the current government have the courage to change the lives of millions of citizens and transform Nepal into a modern, organized, and productive nation? History does not always give opportunities, but when it does, nations that seize them move forward. 

According to the details collected by the National Land Commission recently, there are about 88,000 landless Dalits, 167,000 landless squatters, and 867,000 families of unorganized residents in Nepal. That is, more than 1.1 million families are connected in some way with land and organized settlement problems. However, in practice, the number of families requiring immediate resettlement may be between about two to three hundred thousand. 

If these families are resettled in a planned manner near economic centers, Nepal can significantly reduce problems like unorganized settlements, forest encroachment, risky living, unemployment, and disorganized urbanization within five years. In reality, landlessness is not just about not having a house. It is a national challenge connected with unemployment, weak production systems, social insecurity, riverbank encroachment, deforestation, and lack of long-term national planning. 

Due to this problem, thousands of families are forced to live like refugees in their own country. They have citizenship, they have voting rights, but they lack the basis for a dignified life. But if thought of differently, this community is also Nepal's biggest potential. If the state views them as 'partners in nation-building' rather than 'problems', this manpower can change Nepal's social and economic structure. 

Many nations in the world have progressed by making weak communities the energy of development, not a burden. Now is the time for Nepal to also take that path. 

It is estimated that there are about three hundred thousand landless families in Nepal. If each family is resettled under an 'integrated settlement and production model' with at least eight annas of land, safe housing, a kitchen garden, education, health, and employment, Nepal can end decades-old social tension.  

About 7,500 hectares of land may be sufficient for three hundred thousand families, which is not an impossible area at the national level. In reality, this is not a question of land but of management, willpower, and a clear vision. Many lands currently being used in an unorganized manner across the country can come back under state control through scientific management. 

Therefore, the country does not need to worry about land. By managing it this way, on one hand, riverbanks, forest areas, and risky settlements will be organized, and on the other hand, the labor force required in industry, construction, agriculture, and service sectors will be concentrated near economic centers. Based on this idea, the government can develop planned modern settlements near economic centers like Damak, Itahari, Biratnagar, Janakpur, Birgunj, Hetauda, Bharatpur, Butwal, Pokhara, Nepalgunj, Dhangadhi, etc. 

This can transform these settlements into economic production centers of modern Nepal. Such integrated settlements will supply the necessary manpower, production, and services to big cities and lead the country towards planned urbanization. If the state has a clear vision, strong political will, and a result-oriented work culture, this plan is not a project that will take decades. 

With high-level national commitment, basic transformation can begin within the next two years. Within the first three months, digital identification of landless families, verification of actual beneficiaries, scientific land-use planning, and selection of suitable land can be done. Then, within nine months, by constructing roads, water, electricity, sewage, internet, and basic infrastructure, along with constructing houses with local materials, houses can be handed over within a year. 

For this, the old administrative style must be replaced by a national work culture of electronic speed. If Nepal can rebuild after the earthquake, why can't it make a bigger resolve to give its own citizens a dignified life? The question is not of resources, but of thought and willpower.

Economically, this plan is also fully practical. If the average cost of a safe and environmentally friendly house is considered five hundred thousand rupees, then about 150 billion rupees will be needed to build three hundred thousand houses. Although this amount may seem large at first glance, from the perspective of the national economy, it is not an impossible investment. Nepal is spending billions of rupees every year in unproductive sectors. If that same resource is focused on long-term social and economic transformation, its returns will be many times greater. 

Moreover, the idea that all houses must be built with expensive concrete structures is not scientific. According to Nepal's geography, durable houses can be built at low cost using bamboo, compressed blocks, and local bricks in the Terai, and stone, mud, slate, and local wood in the hills. Community labor, local masons, and technicians can reduce costs and increase a sense of ownership in the community. Therefore, this campaign should not be a program carried out by the government alone, but a national reconstruction campaign to be conducted by the entire nation together. 

If Nepal can show national unity during earthquakes, floods, or disasters, why can't it do so to give its own citizens a dignified life? In reality, this is not an expense. This is the most important socio-economic investment in Nepal's future. The government can ensure initial budget by establishing a National Landless Housing and Resettlement Fund. Just as financial collection is done for the disaster fund, the government can mobilize national support for this campaign. 

The private sector can be involved under social responsibility, banks and financial institutions can be involved in concessional investment, international donor agencies can be collaborated with, and Non-Resident Nepalis can be motivated to contribute to the nation-building campaign. Local levels can be given the responsibility of land management and infrastructure development. Therefore, the main issue here is not the economy, but national willpower, foresight, and leadership capacity. 

If this plan is implemented honestly, historic change will be possible in Nepal within the next five years. Encroachment on riverbanks and forests will decrease, millions of jobs will be created, foreign migration will reduce, planned urbanization will be possible, and social insecurity will decrease. As the local production system strengthens, import dependency will gradually decrease. 

Most importantly, landless communities can be transformed from groups seeking aid to partners in nation-building. This change can take Nepal's economic structure, social stability, and national confidence to new heights. Nepal has discussed problems for many years; now is the time to write the history of solutions. 

Landlessness is not an issue of any single political party; it is the shared moral and historical responsibility of the entire Nepali state. Therefore, this program should not be a project that stops with a change of government. It must become a long-term national campaign passed by parliament as a national resolve. Without a transparent distribution system, digital land records, control of land mafias, and the common commitment of all parties, this is not possible. 

If any government successfully implements this campaign, it will not only be a political achievement; it will be one of the biggest socio-economic transformations in Nepal's modern history. Nepal cannot be developed only by roads, buildings, and speeches. Real development is possible only when every citizen receives safe housing, a dignified life, and productive opportunities. 

Providing houses to the landless is the state's duty. Building integrated settlements with employment is not an expense but the foundation of nation-building. Now Nepal has only one question: will this government also be a government that carries problems like past governments, or will it be a government that transforms problems into opportunities? The choice is the Balen government's.