Reflecting on 2082: A Year of Political Upheaval and Transformation in Nepal

The year 2082 has bid farewell to us Nepalis, leaving behind several harsh wounds along with some valuable lessons. Years change, and calendar pages turn; that is the cycle of time. However, the changing of years is not merely about flipping pages or changing digits.

Instead, the beginning of a new year is a test of how well we can follow the lessons taught by the past. It is on this scale of evaluation that reviews of the old year and plans for the new are constructed. The year 2082 inflicted many wounds and much pain upon us. The country became blood-stained due to the toxic conflict between destiny and intent.

The ashes of the nation's heritage are still drifting. Nevertheless, we are gradually moving toward a path where we can touch the rays of hope after those tyrannical moments.

Moving slightly beyond those suffocating moments, we are now trying to grasp the pillars of possibility. No matter how painful the wounds 2082 inflicted, we moved past that agony to build paths of hope and possibility through elections. While the election results and their arithmetic may be useful for political calculations, we are committed to a grand campaign of building a bright future for ourselves and the new generation.

No one has the luxury to escape or hide from this under any pretext. There is no luxury to get tired or give up. We must follow the sacrifice, blood, and intense desire of the Gen-Z generation on Bhadra 23 and 24 of 2082. Only then will the souls lost on that day, which reflected the future of the entire nation, smile with the rays of prosperity.

Let us look back a little; the future of the country we are nurturing began to sprout from the ashes. The new year, 2082, began with the destruction of the royalist movement at Tinkune, Kathmandu, on Chaitra 15, 2081. This occurred nearly three months after the CPN-UML and Nepali Congress formed a government. The days of the fall of that government, formed by the two largest parties in parliament at the time, began with 2082.

The new generation, disgusted by this political maneuvering and power-sharing, expressed their anger, frustration, hope, and aspirations through social media. It was the only alternative medium for them.

Amidst political friction and the disaster brought by the rains, the first nine months of the Oli government had passed. As the Oli government attempted to introduce and implement several restrictive bills, including the Social Media Bill and the Counter-Espionage Bill, disputes between political parties surfaced.

Despite holding the positions of the largest and second-largest political parties in parliament, a government was formed under the leadership of the third-largest party, entangled in the interests of coalition and bargaining. That, too, did not last. Coalition partners kept changing one after another. Yet, neither the government nor the system could last for long.

The new generation, disgusted by this political maneuvering and power-sharing, expressed their anger, frustration, hope, and aspirations through social media. It was the only alternative medium for them. The government had stopped showing much interest in the streets of Maitighar Mandala. In other words, the nearby Singha Durbar always remained miles away from Maitighar.

Political parties always used its voice, feelings, and meaning as a ladder to power. And after climbing, they discarded it. In that context, two powerful parties joined hands to form a government. There were almost no opposition parties in parliament. Those that existed seemed helpless in the shadow of the government. At that time, the parties had formed a government together. In reality, they had settled on power-sharing. But this time, the people settled it through the election.

The only difference is that this time, the people gave their sentiments to a new party and new representatives. The people gave the Rastriya Swatantra Party nearly two-thirds of the votes, telling them to 'go and work' for five years. Back then, the parties were uniting among themselves to 'go and work'. Since then, the dispute over leadership transfer within the UML and generational change within the Nepali Congress had been intensifying.

They neither knew politics nor the 'filth' within it. In other words, this generation, which was far removed from all this and enjoying its own world, was forced to take to the streets by the arrogance of a ruler.

The political activity of the former President had already brought a storm within the UML. But Oli tried to suppress it by becoming the chairman himself. Meanwhile, the government started shutting down some social media platforms, which became the clear turning point for the fall of the Oli government.

The government was trying to stifle social expression in the name of bringing international companies operating social media platforms under the state's legal framework. But the new generation, born with the internet, had already blown the storm of an internet revolution from within, moving several steps ahead of the government. Even if it was an eyesore to the rulers, for the new generation, that social media—that virtual world of the internet—was everything.

They neither knew politics nor the 'filth' within it. In other words, this generation, which was far removed from all this and enjoying its own world, was forced to take to the streets by the arrogance of a ruler. On Bhadra 23, 2082, the tender steps of the Gen-Z generation were moving forward at Maitighar Mandala against the 'nepo-baby' discrimination of the leaders. By the time those steps reached the parliament building, Kathmandu had become blood-stained.

More than 76 young lives were lost. The next day, Bhadra 24, not only the parliament building but several of the country's heritage sites and properties, including Singha Durbar and the Supreme Court, were reduced to smoke and ashes. The powerful government of the arrogant major parties collapsed within 24 hours. Along with the smoke swirling in the country, a fog of uncertainty lingered for many days.

Pushpa Kamal Dahal 'Prachanda' brought several fragmented communist factions together just to block the path of leadership change and generational transition. By dissolving the Maoists, he created the 'Nepali Communist Party'.

There was no parliament, no government. The Supreme Court did not exist. The President's office became pathetic. That terrifying void has become a moment that will haunt many generations in Nepali politics. On Bhadra 28, former Chief Justice Sushila Karki was appointed as Nepal's first female interim Prime Minister. The parliament was immediately dissolved, and elections were announced for Falgun 21, 2082.

Clouds of uncertainty began to gather again. Meanwhile, there was much upheaval within the political parties as well. The spark for generational change within the Congress flared into the fire of a special general convention towards the end of Poush 2082. The Gagan generation came to leadership in the Congress. However, the court has not yet resolved the dispute over the legitimacy of the Congress.

Pushpa Kamal Dahal 'Prachanda' brought several fragmented communist factions together just to block the path of leadership change and generational transition. By dissolving the Maoists, he created the 'Nepali Communist Party'.

The year 2082 remained, on the whole, a year that ended a legacy in Nepali politics. The Rastriya Swatantra Party, which started its parliamentary journey by winning only a few seats in the 2079 election, not only ended the old chapter of politics in this election but also started a historical dimension that drove youth disgusted with politics onto the main highway of politics.

Balen Shah resigned as Mayor of Kathmandu and joined direct politics. The Rastriya Swatantra Party projected him as 'Prime Minister'. The sound of the 'bell' that was ringing from within made a tremendous sonic mark on Nepali politics on Falgun 21. The 'new' Congress, which entered the election by putting Gagan forward as Prime Minister, wrote the result of the bitterest defeat in its history. A situation arose where party president Thapa himself had to face defeat. All regional parties of Madhes were swept away beyond recognition.

The government has announced an investigation into the assets of all high-ranking individuals since 2046. This also indicates that the new government's commitments on the path of good governance will be strengthened.

Harka Sampang's new political journey began. The condition of the CPN (UML) became even worse. Balen challenged Oli by going to his own constituency. Balen demolished Oli's monopoly 'fortress' of many years in just a few days, and that too with spectacular results.

Towards the end of the year, a new government was formed. As promised by the RSP, Balen Shah has become the Prime Minister. Within hours of the government's formation, powerful politicians like former Prime Minister K.P. Sharma Oli and Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak were arrested. Arrest warrants were issued against Congress President Sher Bahadur Deuba and his wife Arzu. Files against many powerful leaders have been reopened. Many have been arrested and are still in custody.

The government has announced an investigation into the assets of all high-ranking individuals since 2046. This also indicates that the new government's commitments on the path of good governance will be strengthened. Although we still have a long time to see results, the government does not have much time. If the government cannot move at the speed of the people's desires, hopes, and expectations, which have appeared so intensely, the clouds of frustration and anger will burst again, becoming even more explosive.

With the start of the new year, the government has initiated some good practices of governance reform. Some chapters of reform and good governance have already begun. By embracing the legitimate election promises of other political parties, the government has started some liberal political practices.

However, there is still much work to be done. Looking at the government's initial pace, it seems that a positive feeling of 'it is possible if one wants to...!' has truly awakened among the people.

Overall, the year 2082 did not remain limited to just a calendar of Nepali history. The past year has bid farewell by painting a new picture of the entire nation. The year 2082, which became a standard of change not only for its own country but for the whole world, is also an unforgettable book in Nepali political history.

A book where, along with an erased history, the lines of another history have been drawn.