The Marginalized Reality: Analyzing Karnali's Position in Nepal's State Structure

If one searches for Karnali on Nepal's map, it appears to be the largest region, but where does it truly stand within the state's resources and capabilities? Today, I have attempted to find the answer to this question.

I have explored this issue through 13 thematic areas. Let us examine Karnali's position through these lenses.

First: Karnali's Position in Geography-Based Access

Karnali is the region of the vast Khas Empire, the birthplace of language, culture, and civilization. From the Khas Empire that once made Sinja and Dullu its headquarters, expanding from Tibet, the Ganges, and Trishuli to Ladakh in the 13th and 14th centuries, it has been fragmented and shrunk through various political and administrative divisions—from the Baise states, Shah era, Rana era, democracy, Panchayat, and multi-party system to the current Republic of Nepal. As a result, it is now accepted as the Karnali Province.

Yes, this geography named Karnali currently covers over 19 percent of the country's landmass. In such a vast territory, there are only 79 local levels exercising power and capability. This is only 10.49 percent of the total number of municipalities. Thus, very little governing power has been transferred within such a large area. This access to power and representation shrinks to about 7 percent when it comes to the division of electoral constituencies. This has established minimal access over a vast geography of the country.

Second: Karnali in Parliament

The more representatives there are to voice the needs of the geography and the demands of the people, the greater the possibility of accessing state resources. Karnali, with its vast geography and unique characteristics, has been a victim of neglect in Nepal's parliamentary practice. From the general elections of 2015/2016 to the House of Representatives elections of 2082, there have been 5,062 members of parliament in Nepal. Of these, only 340 were from Karnali. Even within this, only 66 were elected through the proportional system and 16 were nominated. This makes Karnali's representation in the parliamentary journey negligible.

Such small representation has little impact on parliamentary equations. Ultimately, Karnali's position in the federal parliament has been one of formal helplessness rather than meaningful participation.

Third: Karnali's Position in Government

It is said that the ultimate goal of those in politics is to attain power. Access to power is essential to gain maximum benefit from state resources. Karnali, which was once the seat of a vast empire, enjoyed the highest exercise of governance and power, and provided linguistic, cultural, and economic leadership, remained anonymous during the Shah and Rana eras. After the change of 2007, Karnali only just awakened to reclaim its old legacy. Therefore, from the government of Mohan Shumsher formed after the establishment of democracy to the government led by Balendra Shah formed just a few days ago, out of 1,301 individuals who became ministers across the country, only 41 have come from Karnali—starting from Nep Bahadur Malla, who entered as an assistant minister in the BP government formed on Jestha 13, 2016, to Sita Badi, who is participating in the current Balendra government. This is how Karnali's position in Singha Durbar has become detached from its former vast throne.

Fourth: Karnali in the Judiciary

Karnali, which practices religious and indigenous methods to resolve its disputes and problems, is far behind in accessing the current established and formal judicial system. To date, no one from the former Karnali or Upper Karnali has become a Supreme Court justice. While there are 374 judges working across the country, only 16 are from Karnali. This low participation in the judicial sector suggests that Karnali is more entangled in the struggle for basic survival than in justice.

Fifth: Karnali in Government Structure

Accessible and quality service is also the desire of Karnali's citizens. In the context of 12,228 offices—including 22 federal ministries and their agencies, provincial government structures, and local levels—working to provide public services and development, Karnali does not even have 3 percent of these structures. Firstly, government structures were established in Karnali only through the postal service office in 1954, and other government offices began to be established only after the 2020s. Even then, providing services to such a large area and about 6 percent of the population through less than 3 percent of offices ignored both geography and population. While slogans and speeches claim to prioritize the people of Karnali, in practice, there is a lack of sufficient offices to provide services and government structures to implement development. This rootless slogan has neither fulfilled public expectations nor achieved the state's goals. Karnali is trapped in such intentions and rules.

Sixth: Karnali's Position in Diplomatic, Constitutional, and Organized Institutions

To make state operations more dynamic and effective, additional constitutional, diplomatic, and organized institutions have been arranged beyond the regular departmental structures of ministries. There are currently 303 such structures in Nepal. Of these, 99 also autonomously create policies, programs, and budgets. Karnali has only 2 such structures.

On one hand, Karnali, which has suffered losses in access within departmental structures, has been pushed into a corner in the structure of organized institutions as well. This has created a huge disparity in the regular policies, programs, and budgets of such institutions. Let us imagine, if we, the people of Karnali, who have raised our morale in the education and health sectors with the existence of the Mid-Western University and the Karnali Academy of Health Sciences, had been able to receive equal benefits from those other 301 structures, what would it be like? Or what if other such organized institutions were established in Karnali? But while limited areas have captured state resources in various ways, Karnali has been watching helplessly.

Seventh: Karnali in Staff Availability

The state provides less manpower for Karnali. Only 2 percent of the country's total employees are providing services in Karnali for about 6 percent of the population. That too with a sense of being pushed, neglected, and punished. On one hand, there are fewer employees, and on the other, there is a weak psychology. In such a situation, what kind of service and how are the people of Karnali receiving it? Karnali has been suffering from this situation for ages. That is why in some places, the tradition of preferring local shamans over government office officials to seek service and justice still exists.

Eighth: Karnali in State Appointments

The state does not even show interest in providing appropriate positions to the capable manpower in Karnali. Currently, more than 1,200 appointments are made in constitutional, diplomatic, and organized institutions and academies in Nepal. Balancing population and geography, at least 100 positions should have been appointed for Karnali, but it is currently limited to only 17. This is not because there is no capable manpower in Karnali, but because Karnali is neglected. If we talk about qualified individuals, 104 people with PhDs are currently ready in Karnali. Karnali has the capacity to provide manpower of high-level education in every field. But those who hold the reins of the country and power neither understand this reality nor think for themselves; they only limit Karnali to speeches and slogans. Karnali's position in appointments is limited to such things.

Ninth: Karnali in the National Budget

Karnali is even more neglected in the budget. Looking at the budget of the federal, provincial, local levels, organized institutions, and non-governmental organizations this year, not even 4 percent of the total budget has been allocated for Karnali. This budget could not even cover Karnali's population proportion, or 5.79 percent. The talk of geographical proportion is a story of another land.

Due to the lack of budget, physical infrastructure is in a very weak state and the progress of development projects is minimal, but while preparing a cost of about 2.7 trillion rupees in the name of 27 national pride projects, Karnali's share is only 41 billion rupees. Currently, 256 national programs are being implemented by various ministries and central agencies with the aim of strengthening the country's social and economic indicators, but only 16 of them have Karnali as their field of work. This ensures that the budget discrimination of the last 75 years will continue in the coming years.

It cannot be said that the fate of the budget brought by Subarna Shumsher when he was Finance Minister in 2008 will not be repeated in the budget brought by Bishnu Prasad Paudel in 2082. In other words, even if the cooks in Singha Durbar change, Karnali does not seem to get justice in the budget and programs without changing the dishes of the kitchen.

Tenth: Karnali in Physical Infrastructure Development

Karnali has now become double landlocked. It has become landlocked even within Nepal. While there are 80 national highways across the country, there are only 10 within Karnali. Although the government led by Sushila Karki emphasized road infrastructure in Karnali, what will happen to building infrastructure, sports infrastructure, and other infrastructure? It seems uncertain.

In the context of contributing to transportation and communication through 3,300 bridges and 29,000 telephone towers in the country, Karnali's share is only about 3 percent. Out of 40 customs offices and 133 small customs offices currently operating in the country, only 2 are in Karnali, and they are not fully operational. If there were a Guinness Book of World Records for people living in areas with extreme lack of physical infrastructure despite having human settlements, all of us Karnali residents would probably be in that record.

Eleventh: Karnali in Policy and Law

Among the 718 active laws in the country, there are hardly any Karnali-friendly laws. Most laws are made for the convenience of those in power. Such policies and laws have created an environment for some serious debate. For example, when will Karnali, where electricity is not even produced, take advantage of the policy of not having to pay for using up to 30 units of electricity? When will Karnali, which has immense natural resources but cannot be utilized, become a partner in the royalty of natural resources? Policies made in Singha Durbar reach Karnali as late as medicine nearing its expiry date. By the time it is about to be implemented, another policy has already been made, or the date expires before the policy is implemented.

Twelfth: Karnali in the Use of Natural Resources

Various studies of the state show that Karnali has sufficient natural resources. The utilization of natural resources seen in the studies is not even in discussion. Most of the rivers and streams of Karnali are held hostage in someone's bag. In Karnali, where more than 22,000 megawatts of electricity can be produced, barely 20 megawatts of electricity have been produced from river flow areas. Out of 101 registered mines, 8 are in Karnali, but they are not fully operational.

Out of 476 mountains opened for climbing, 86 are in Karnali, but due to the lack of organized tourist maps and guidelines, hardly any climbers go there. Nepal's largest grazing area is in Karnali, but the pasture and grazing areas have not been utilized. It is believed that there are high-quality medicinal herbs. Due to the lack of scientific research, utilization, and conservation plans, some herbs are being exploited, and some are being wasted. Karnali has sufficient natural resources, but the state does not use them. It does not create an environment for use, but Karnali is left out and excluded from royalties.

Thirteenth: Heritage in Karnali

Full of tangible and intangible heritage, Karnali gives a glimpse of the Kathmandu Valley. The only difference is that the heritage there has been preserved. Karnali's heritage sites have either collapsed, are buried under the soil, or have been misused. The heritage sites are waiting for conservation. The people of Karnali have risen to save their heritage. Surely time will turn the tide. The heritage will reflect history.

Karnali's position on these and various such aspects must be heard and told. The chapter of changing Karnali's position according to Karnali's potential must now begin.

(Thoughts presented by Governance and Development Analyst Harihar Neupane at the Karnali Festival)