Nepal's Political Landscape: Logic Replaced by Emotion Amidst Election Hype

Nepali politics has currently reached such a serious and chaotic juncture where impulse triumphs over logic and 'algorithms' dominate policy. Following the Gen Z movement on Bhadra 23 and the destructive unrest on the 24th, the House of Representatives has been dissolved, leaving the nation on the threshold of new elections.

However, on the eve of these elections, no political party or candidate shows any eagerness for a concrete roadmap or policy debate for nation-building. Even as the elections draw near, there is no agenda debate in the country. Insults, threats, exaggeration, and emotional arousal have replaced policy, programs, alternative perspectives, and long-term roadmaps.

The so-called new forces are merely politicizing public dissatisfaction and anger by using provocative slogans like 'sending the old guard to the abyss.' Yet, they remain completely silent on what they actually want to do, how they intend to do it, and within which structure they plan to operate.

The political style of Balen Shah, whom Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) has put forward as a potential Prime Minister, serves as a glaring example. He avoids public debate, does not answer journalists' questions, and refrains from open interaction with voters. He moves amidst crowds in the style of an 'angry young man' from South Indian films, takes photos, listens to slogans, and moves on.

Democracy is not a film. The Prime Minister is not an actor; it is a constitutional position that formulates policy, endures questions, and must provide answers. If Balen Shah becomes Prime Minister, what will be his agricultural policy? How will the problems of farmers regarding fertilizer, irrigation, markets, and pricing be solved? How will the education sector be protected from privatization and mismanagement? How will the extreme inflation, manpower shortage, and weak state presence in the health sector be reformed?

What concrete plan does he have to save the collapsing health insurance program? How will he maintain Nepal's sensitive geopolitical balance between India-China-West? How will he conduct foreign policy? Will he end unemployment through speeches or through production and investment? Economic development comes not from slogans, but from structure and reform; what is his blueprint for this? The answers to these questions are nowhere to be found yet.

Voters are eager to hear the agenda from Balen, who has been declared the 'future Prime Minister.' But he says nothing. There are questions about how he will maintain Nepal's complex geopolitical balance and utilize foreign relations for national interest.

If his style of posting obscene insults against neighboring countries on Facebook late at night continues, where will Nepal end up? A roadmap for maintaining geopolitical balance has not yet emerged. He seems to be banking solely on 'glamour' to become Prime Minister.

When the police stopped the car carrying his wife for checking, he threatened to burn down Singha Durbar. The same Singha Durbar was set on fire during the movement he supported. Questions have arisen as to why the Kathmandu Metropolitan City did not send fire trucks to stop the structures across the country, including Singha Durbar, the Supreme Court, and the Parliament building, from burning while the fire raged.

The Chief Justice himself revealed that the fire at the Supreme Court was extinguished by the Lalitpur Metropolitan City's fire truck two days later. However, Balen did not provide a factual and logical answer regarding this. Instead, he nominated Raju Pandey, the Metropolitan Police Chief responsible for fire truck deployment, as a candidate.

No one saw Pandey, who was distributing water during the movement, near a fire truck. Dozens of Gen Z youths were killed in the movement. Yet, Balen neither paid tribute to them nor visited the injured in the hospital. Today, he dreams of becoming Prime Minister by capitalizing on the blood of the Gen Z youth.

The country is in its current state because of the mistakes made by the previous leadership. Those who erred must be punished, and they are being punished. However, a dangerous narrative is being constructed that demonizes the political parties that led Nepal's long democratic movement, effectively declaring all past achievements as zero.

It is often said that 'roads and bridges alone are not enough' in developed areas. But where there is only a dusty footpath, people complain, 'They haven't even built a path yet.' This is not a contradiction; it is intellectual dishonesty, pushing society only towards hatred and conflict.

The conflict created by labeling forces as 'new' versus 'old' is pushing society towards division. Intolerance, similar to that seen between Nepali Congress and UML cadres after 2048 BS, is increasing in society, further fueled by social media.

Those with no basic knowledge of politics, the constitution, parliament, foreign policy, Nepal's geography, and its multi-ethnic, multi-cultural character have now become 'nation-building activists.' The situation is such that they alone seem to have the mandate to build the nation; others are not even allowed to claim they want to build the country.

The psychology of voters has been almost entirely captured by the influence of algorithms and social media. Those who do not even know how many members are in parliament are standing before crowds aspiring to make laws. A kind of frenzied crowd seems to be gathering behind them.

Those who were uncertain about whether to abolish or keep the constitution, and those who declared they 'would not allow elections,' are now campaigning for votes in those very elections. Strangely, a group cheering them on follows behind.

Those who rejoiced when Singha Durbar, the Parliament building, and historic structures were set on fire by infiltrators under the guise of the Gen Z movement were saying, 'We will build hundreds of Singha Durbars,' when questioned about the arson. Today, the same hands are soliciting election funds from voters carrying 'QR codes.' Those who went to burn parliament are now candidates to become part of it.

Bombastic talk, hollow confidence, and evasion of responsibility have become their common identity. Those who attack public property by setting fires and those who attack business houses in the private sector that provide thousands of jobs are now talking about job creation. Those who benefited from positions and prestige in old parties for decades are now wearing the cloak of 'newness' and pretending to be 'pure.'

It seems the so-called new parties are washing machines, where even seven sins can be forgiven upon entry. Any criminal villain becomes a hero. Those who failed to do any concrete work for the public while serving as people's representatives, who failed to fulfill any visible responsibility in their constituencies, are now selling the dream of a 'New Nepal.'

This entire process has been made more dangerous by the algorithm of social media. Many voters have started speaking the language dictated by the algorithm. Trending insults are repeated, rather than questions and expectations.

The Gen Z youth raised issues of good governance, prosperity, and social justice. Voices were also raised regarding a directly elected executive system for stable governance in the country. However, the new parties have not presented any agenda on these matters yet. Instead, Balen Shah, who previously argued against the necessity of federalism and provinces, has now started advocating for strengthening federalism to woo voters.

In the past, he bulldozed settlements of poor and marginalized squatters, but now he visits squatter settlements to court voters. He prays for his victory by visiting temples and churches at different times. But the purpose after winning remains unclear. Those facing dozens of court cases are giving fiery speeches about good governance.

The fact that NGOs and INGOs have spent billions of budgets claiming to aid Nepal's development, yet achieved little, is evident. But now, those running these NGOs and INGOs have entered politics and are boasting about building the nation. But how? No one answers the question.

Some promise to bring a specific leader to their district if they win the election; others claim that the poor should not enter politics to end corruption. Some suggest spending 2 billion to hire football player Ronaldo to advertise Nepal's water, while others argue that if the cow is the national animal, the dog should be too. Tragically, many individuals considered celebrities in society are following this trend.

There are thousands of questions for the old parties. The country reached its current state due to their shortcomings. If UML and Congress had not disregarded the public while holding two-thirds majority power, the revolt of Bhadra 23 would not have happened. The misgovernance run by these parties, with the declared policy of implementing a two-party system and ruling for decades while protecting brokers and mafias, became the basis for the Gen Z movement.

Furthermore, fueled by the government's brutal crackdown, the country was devastated amidst the maneuvering of regressive forces and power centers seeking to weaken Nepal and control its sovereignty. Criminals involved in those two days of incidents should be prosecuted. But the government, allegedly formed on the foundation of the movement, is also trying to protect those criminals. That is why the government plans not to publicize the report of the inquiry commission before the elections.

At such a time, the conscious class and intellectuals of society are either silent or have been rendered almost dead by an invisible fear. Media outlets, instead of investigating serious issues, are chasing viral content. They are preoccupied with superficial matters like who insulted whom, who ate what, and what clothes someone wore.

What the 'new' forces did in the past, what their strengths and weaknesses are, how much the 'old' forces are flawed, and what their contributions are—this review should be happening in the intellectual sphere and the media. But it is not happening. Prakash Saput, who was once subjected to cyberattacks for praising KP Oli, is now part of the same group that launched those cyberattacks.

He too is portraying himself as a new activist. Rima Bishwakarma, who just 15 days ago said, 'Kulman Ghising is Nepal's hero, he should be the Prime Minister now,' betrays Kulman to become a Member of Parliament. And yet, she is the one lecturing on morality and new conduct.

The algorithm of social media has taken control of the general voter's conscience, leading to the silencing of those who question policy and ideas through 'cyberattacks.' They are labeled as brokers, touts, or agents. No one is willing to speak about geopolitical complexities because doing so invites character assassination.

In this manner, democracy is being run not by questions, but by fear. If questions die in a democracy and only the voice of the crowd is heard, it will lead the country not to reform, but to authoritarianism and chaos. The desire of the Nepali people is not to end one form of arrogance only to welcome another. But it seems to be becoming a compulsion.

In this election, voters should look not just at faces and bombastic talk, but at the candidates' plans, conduct, and their clarity on national issues. However, it is shaping up to be a struggle between responsibility and hysteria, policy and sloganism, democracy and mob rule.

If voters stop asking questions, the media stops investigating, and intellectuals stop speaking, a political culture more dangerous than the old one will be established in the name of the 'new.' The ultimate price for this will have to be paid by the nation and its citizens.

This situation created by the culture of abuse is certain to put not only the country's geography and culture but also the future of its citizens at risk.