Leader Reflects on Maoist Movement's 31st Anniversary, Citing Ideological Decline and Leadership Failures

First and foremost, on the occasion of entering the 31st year of the Great People's War, I wish to extend heartfelt greetings to the millions of justice-loving general public who shed their blood, sweat, and tears across the nation for justice and liberation.

We spent the most significant period of our lives in the People's War. As we initiated the blood-soaked days of the People's War, crossing the most adverse thresholds, we were fully convinced, and it turned out to be true, that new chapters were being written in the entire political history of Nepal.

There is no doubt that Nepal has made unprecedented strides in these three decades since the initiation of the People's War. However, as the party that emerged from the fiercest days of class struggle and its leadership, we have also closely observed the party leadership's distorted opportunistic character during these three decades.

We have experienced a situation where the party is unable to advocate for the millions of people who nurtured the party and us with their blood to bring us this far.

Therefore, looking back at the three decades of the People's War, we feel standing at a crossroads of joy and indignation. Thus, at the very beginning of this article, I wish to express deep sorrow and sympathy to the thousands of martyrs, disappeared families, and injured and disabled families.

Where exactly did the Maoist movement falter? This question is as easy to ask as its answer is deeply intertwined in layers of serious issues. Therefore, I cannot state in simple words, like a bicycle mechanic fixing a cycle, where the Maoist movement erred in a single word or phrase.

The path was opened to expel important party leaders who challenged the authority seen in the core leadership from the party itself.

Nevertheless, we must review some of its ideological aspects. And today is the most suitable day for that.

It seems to me that during the People's War, class struggle and internal struggle within the party advanced simultaneously. This helped the party to engage in struggle connected to its basic class. But, upon entering the peace process, the party closed the fundamental chapter of class struggle and declared the negotiating table as the foundation for class struggle. In essence, this was correct, but from that point, an ideological deviation and the continuous development of an egoistic mindset in the leadership occurred within us.

The path was opened to expel important party leaders who challenged the authority seen in the core leadership from the party itself. As the party deviated from class struggle and moved towards ideological decline, instead of working on alternatives for a solution, attempts were made only to push the party forward while shelving the raised ideological questions.

This was exactly like a situation where, after a vehicle breaks down and stops, the driver tries to reach the destination by pushing the vehicle little by little, instead of finding a solution for the breakdown. The crucial question here was whether the destination of socialism could be reached by pushing the broken vehicle, or whether a genuine effort should have been made to find a remedy for the broken vehicle.

Did we conclude that we could reach socialism by merely pushing the broken vehicle? Certainly not. But the core leadership wanted/wants to overcome the problem by pushing it, rather than addressing the problem seen within the party.

This was the core ideological question of the party.

Therefore, in the recent office-bearers' meeting of the Maoist Centre, I had expressed my view that some serious questions must be resolved. However, the self-centered individualism prevalent in the core party leadership did not wish to move towards a resolution again.

Consequently, instead of moving towards resolving the issues raised by thousands of party leaders and cadres like Kiran, Baburam, and others who questioned the self-centered individualism of the party leadership, it was found easier to bid them farewell from the party. That is why today, as I raise this question, an attempt is being made to bid me farewell from the party as well.

It is now necessary for the youth to take the initiative to stop the ideological decline and implement the essential ideology of the People's War within the party.

But the soil of Sindhuli has never had a history of surrender. Its people have always voted for change, not for the status quo or inertia. Therefore, Sindhuli will not surrender today either.

This party was built by the irrigation of everyone's blood. Therefore, its decisions will also be made collectively. Allowing individualistic decisions to prevail any further is to scorn the essence of the People's War. The significance of the People's War waged against the bourgeois political thought system remains equally relevant today.

The recent Janajeevan (People's Life) movement has also confirmed this. It is now necessary for the youth to take the initiative to stop the ideological decline and implement the essential ideology of the People's War within the party.

Currently, not only the country but also the party is in a deep crisis. But along with this crisis, a great opportunity has also arrived—an opportunity for transformation. The transformation we failed to achieve in the past has been initiated by the Janajeevan movement in its own way. This movement has instilled the courage and confidence to speak the truth, support it, and stand against falsehood.

Now, it is not possible to survive by hiding, deceiving, or covering up the truth. The truth must be heard by everyone, and actions must be taken accordingly. History will consign to the dustbin those who do not listen, do not understand, and are not ready to change.

Yesterday, honest, dedicated, and ethical cadres were neglected; the opportunistic, selfish, and dishonest were promoted. As a result, the Communist Party itself became weak. Opportunism prevailed, and ideology and class perspective were lost. The party drifted away from its mass base and ultimately became 'neither here nor there' (neither at home nor at the ghat).

The struggle against parliamentarism must be intensified. Limiting vision from one election to the next and not hesitating to cooperate and unite with anyone for victory is a clear proof of being trapped in parliamentarism.

Yesterday, we were drowning in the arrogance that we were right and others were wrong, but our stature in the eyes of the people was diminishing. This is because we were moving away from the issues and concerns of the common people. The Janajeevan movement has exposed these anomalies and deviations in their naked form before everyone.

It has demolished the walls of old political culture, hypocrisy, and falsehood. Now, only two paths remain—to end or to correct. At this decisive juncture, we must introspect. Do we choose the path of correction, or do we remain stuck in the same swamp of mistakes and self-interest?

If we are to correct ourselves, the following issues must be taken seriously.

First, the struggle against parliamentarism must be intensified. Limiting vision from one election to the next and not hesitating to cooperate and unite with anyone for victory is a clear proof of being trapped in parliamentarism. Therefore, the party must break free from this. But are we ready to move in that direction?

Second, a reformist journey while stopping ideological decline. We are severely entangled in pragmatism in ideology and utilitarianism in organizational structure. There is no doubt that the mistakes and shortcomings we commit day by day are fundamentally a chain reaction of the ideological decline. Until this is treated, the journey towards socialist revolution is certain to remain confined to mere talk.

We have identified the problem with the broken vehicle and have taken a step towards its solution. I am confident that our comrades across the country will view this effort positively on the occasion of the People's War Day and raise the flag of rebellion everywhere.

We must accept the ideological decline and make a firm commitment to avoid such provocative and deviating actions from now on. Transformation is impossible until ideological clarity and revolutionary discipline are restored.

Third, the party's initiative to create a new environment. It is necessary to create an environment to re-energize and activate comrades who played effective roles at various levels of the party but were sidelined while opposing parliamentarist tendencies.

This party belongs to those who shed blood and sweat, not to the fair-weather friends. Therefore, old and seasoned leaders/cadres must receive appropriate responsibility in the party. The party must not miss the opportunity to entrust them with responsibility.

Fourth, curb extremism within the party. Let us properly resolve and settle the unhealthy internal conflict seen in Sindhuli district, which is connected to the central leadership. The issue of Sindhuli is not just about a single electoral constituency. If it is not synthesized seriously, it is certain to obstruct other party work. As I mentioned earlier, Sindhuli is not a district of surrenderers. Rather, it is the land of Rishi Devkota Azad.

If the party does not present an alternative for a solution in time, the land of Azad can become a fortress for a new rebellion. Someone had to raise the flag of rebellion; we have raised it from Sindhuli.

In other words, we have identified the problem with the broken vehicle and have taken a step towards its solution. I am confident that our comrades across the country will view this effort positively on the occasion of the People's War Day and raise the flag of rebellion everywhere.

This is a step taken in the direction of establishing the issues and ideology raised by this People's War and the Maoist movement.

Once again, Happy People's War Day to everyone!