The Imperative of Inclusive Elections for Strengthening Democracy in Nepal
Kathmandu, February 12: The general election for the House of Representatives is imminent. According to the schedule, voting will take place in a single phase on the 21st of Falgun next month. The upcoming election, held on the foundation of the youth-led movement of Bhadra 23 and 24 last year, is significant for many reasons. The youth (Gen Z) movement that occurred on the eve of the Constitution Day in the last decade has not been forgotten by anyone. Analyzing the nature of the movement, the protestors wanted to change the government and sought the addressal of their raised issues through this very constitution.
The two-day youth-centric movement that succeeded in forming a new government under the leadership of Sushila Karki certainly holds timeless significance and its discussion will continue far into the future. This event will serve as an example in many countries around the world for many days. Against this backdrop, some projections can be made regarding this election. First, the election will bring a change to the traditional concept of government. Second, it will further strengthen and consolidate democracy. Third, it will bolster the adherence to and implementation of the spirit of the constitution. Fourth, it will make the sentiment and voice of the youth more effective, and fifth, it will identify new issues and processes necessary for national development.
Not only this, it will initiate a new debate regarding the justification and necessity of inclusivity. It would not be wrong to say that the aforementioned points are related, in one way or another, to the overall concept and process of nation-building. In this context, there can be no disagreement that elections are an important medium. However, it cannot be disagreed that an inclusive electoral process, rather than a general process, aids in achieving the expected results.
Inclusivity: An Indicator for Measuring the Quality of Democracy
Inclusivity in elections is a crucial indicator for measuring the quality of democracy. Inclusivity in elections not only means ensuring equal access, representation, and participation of all classes, communities, and groups in society, but also the acceptance of diverse issues. Inclusivity is a powerful method of weaving available diversity into a garland of unity. This concept encompasses, and should encompass, the meaningful participation of women, Dalits, indigenous nationalities, Madhesis, Muslims, persons with disabilities, gender and sexual minorities, citizens from backward regions including the Himalayas, and migrant voters in all stages, from voter registration to candidacy, campaigning, voting, counting, and representation. In essence, this country belongs to all Nepalis, and it is imperative to develop a feeling among every Nepali that 'this country is mine too.' Ownership of the country is essential for this. There can be no two opinions that the concept of inclusivity helps in this process. The implementation of the concept of inclusivity in the entire electoral process is necessary for the upcoming elections.
Elections are the soul of democracy. Through elections, the people elect their representatives and participate directly in the governance process. What needs to be understood is that elections are not limited only to the process of casting votes; they must be based on inclusivity, fairness, and equal opportunity. No group should be neglected or excluded from the electoral process due to caste, gender, language, region, disability, economic status, or social identity; if that happens, democracy becomes incomplete. Therefore, in today's world, inclusivity in elections has not only become a major issue of democratic good governance, but in many contexts, the concept of inclusive elections has also been accepted as a mandatory prerequisite for the advanced democracy of the current generation.
Nepal's Constitutional Provisions and Inclusive Elections
The issue of inclusivity seriously emerged following the state restructuring after the People's Movement of BS 2062/63. The Constitution of Nepal 2072 has accepted inclusive democracy as its fundamental basis.
The commitment to social justice, inclusivity, and proportional representation is expressed in the preamble of the Constitution. According to Article 84 of the Constitution, the principle of proportional inclusion is adopted for the election of the House of Representatives. Political parties, while selecting candidates through the closed list system, are required to include women, Dalits, indigenous nationalities, Madhesis, Tharus, Muslims, people from backward regions, and the Khas Arya community in proportion to their population. Similarly, mandatory representation for women, Dalits, and persons with disabilities or minority communities is ensured in the National Assembly. Inclusivity has been further strengthened at the local level. The provision that one of the chief or deputy chief of a rural municipality or municipality must be a woman, and the mandatory provision for a Dalit woman member at the ward level, is considered exemplary in international practice. Therefore, women's political representation in Nepal has increased significantly.
Inclusive elections are not just a necessity for strengthening democracy today, but also the foundation for the future. Although the constitution theoretically accepts the concept of inclusivity, how much it has been implemented in practice? It would not be wrong to say that this is a matter for study and evaluation. Although representation is sought to be ensured in the House of Representatives and the National Assembly based on the concept of inclusivity, many loopholes have been exploited, through which parties and their leaders take whomever they wish to those positions. There are also allegations that the affluent often reach those positions, which cannot be entirely denied. Similarly, in the direct election of the House of Representatives, where women could not be adequately represented in sufficient numbers, a method of bringing them into parliament through the proportional system has been adopted. It would not be irrelevant to say that this is having an impact on other areas. It can be expected that if women's representation in direct elections can be ensured through some additional methods, such as reserving some constituencies for women and mandating parties to field candidates by setting a certain percentage, there will be a positive impact in other areas.
Challenges Observed in Practice
Although the constitutional and legal provisions are progressive, inclusive elections remain challenging in practice, as mentioned above. While Nepal gives special importance to inclusive elections constitutionally and legally, actual access to practical implementation, quality of representation, and decision-making processes has not yet been ensured. There is a widespread complaint that representatives coming through the proportional system are more accountable to party leadership, and their decisive role is limited. Furthermore, candidates from marginalized communities often lack financial resources, organizational access, and political protection to compete in direct elections.
Inclusivity in elections is not limited only to voting and candidates. The implementation of the concept of inclusivity is necessary throughout the entire electoral process. Examples where the implementation of the concept of inclusivity is indispensable include making polling stations accessible for voters with disabilities, enabling access to election-related information in mother tongues, ensuring that voting does not infringe upon one's cultural beliefs, and providing ballot papers or technology for visually impaired voters.
Issues such as Nepali citizens residing abroad being unable to vote are also weak points from the perspective of inclusivity. Nepal can learn some important lessons from the practices of other countries. First, it is necessary to ensure effective participation in executive and decision-making levels, not limiting the concept of inclusivity only to legal provisions. Second, internal democracy and inclusive leadership development within political parties are necessary. Third, election expenditure control should be managed, and state support for marginalized candidates should be increased.
Through the use of technology, an accessible voting system for the disabled, Braille-based ballot papers, secure voting arrangements for Nepalis abroad, and expansion of civic education programs targeted at youth and first-time voters can be implemented. Increasing the use of mother tongues in voter education is also necessary. Political parties also need to change their mindset and working style. The practice of placing one crane in a flock of crows in the name of inclusivity cannot yield meaningful results.
It is necessary to adopt a policy of involving the concerned party in the decision-making process related to them and making them responsible. Conversely, in the name of various alliances and agreements, the dominance of the affluent and influential is often seen in the cluster for minorities and others in the National Assembly. Parties need to correct this.
In conclusion, the issues mentioned above are merely points of attention for the concerned parties. It would not be unreasonable to believe that a strategy for addressing these issues will be formulated in the future. If necessary, in the coming days, the Election Commission itself should proactively formulate the necessary policies towards implementing the concept of inclusivity in line with the spirit of the constitution. (The author is the Executive Chairman of RSS)
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